Weber Essays In Sociology Wiki

Early life and family relationships

Weber was the eldest son of Max and Helene Weber. His father was an aspiring liberal politician who soon joined the more compliant, pro-Bismarckian “National-Liberals” and moved the family from Erfurt to Berlin, where he became a member of the Prussian House of Deputies (1868–97) and the Reichstag (1872–84). The elder Weber established himself as a fixture of the Berlin social milieu and entertained prominent politicians and scholars in the Weber household.

The sociologist’s mother was raised in Calvinist orthodoxy. Though she gradually accepted a more tolerant theology, her Puritan morality never diminished. As a result, her husband’s social activities distanced her from him, especially when he spurned her prolonged grief following the deaths of two of their children. He, in turn, adopted a traditionally authoritarian manner at home and demanded absolute obedience from wife and children. It is thought that this bleak home environment, marked by conflicts between Weber’s parents, contributed to the inner agonies that haunted Weber in his adult life.

Weber left home to enroll at the University of Heidelberg in 1882, interrupting his studies after two years to fulfill his year of military service at Strassburg. During this time he became very close to the family of his mother’s sister, Ida Baumgarten, and to her husband, the historian Hermann Baumgarten, who had a profound influence on Weber’s intellectual development.

After his release from the military, however, Weber was asked by his father to finish his studies at the University of Berlin so that he could live at home while pursuing scholarship in legal and economic history. This was perhaps because his father considered the Baumgartens’ influence subversive. From 1884 until his marriage in 1893, Weber left the family home only for one semester of study at Göttingen in 1885 and for some brief periods with his military reserve unit.

Early career

Weber therefore spent most of his formative academic years in his childhood home, where he was continually subject to his parents’ conflicting interests. Since he spent his mid- and late 20s working simultaneously in two unpaid apprenticeships—as a lawyer’s assistant and as a university assistant—he could not afford to live on his own until the autumn of 1893. At that time he received a temporary position teaching jurisprudence at the University of Berlin and married Marianne Schnitger, a second cousin.

After his marriage Weber followed a compulsive work regimen that he had begun after his return to Berlin in 1884. Only through such disciplined labour, believed Weber, could he stave off a natural tendency to self-indulgence and laziness, which could lead to an emotional and spiritual crisis.

Weber’s great capacity for disciplined intellectual effort, together with his unquestionable brilliance, led to his meteoric professional advance. One year after his appointment at Berlin, he became a full professor in political economy at Freiburg, and the following year (1896) he attained that position at Heidelberg. Following his doctoral and postdoctoral theses on the agrarian history of ancient Rome and the evolution of medievaltrading societies, respectively, Weber wrote a comprehensive analysis of the agrarian problems of eastern Germany for one of the country’s most important academic societies, the Union for Social Policy (1890). He also wrote important essays on the German stock exchange and the social decline of Latin antiquity. He was politically active in these years, working with the left-liberal Protestant Social Union.

Later works

In 1903 Weber was able to resume scholarly work, and an inheritance in 1907 made him financially independent. He did not teach again until after World War I. The nature of his most important work after his partial recovery suggests that his prolonged agony had led him to develop brilliant insights into the relationship of Calvinist morality and compulsive labour, into the relationship between various religious ethics and social and economic processes, and into many other questions of lasting importance. Indeed, Weber produced his most important work in the 17 years between the worst part of his illness and his death.

Weber’s intellectual breadth in the study of societies can hardly be overestimated; it surpassed that of his predecessors, mainly Karl Marx and Émile Durkheim. Dissatisfied with the intellectual traditions of the social sciences and law in German and Western universities, Weber sought to develop a scientific approach that overcame their deficiencies. Although he never fully defined a systematic research program explaining his comparative methodology, his essays on the historical development of Eastern and Western societies suggest what such an approach might entail. Weber demonstrated that the comparative method was essential because the behaviour of institutions in societies could not be understood in isolation. (Even his popular work on the connection between Puritanism and the development of capitalism in the West cannot be fully understood without reference to his work on comparative institutions—e.g., his studies of Asiatic religions and ancient Judaism.)

In preparation for work that he contemplated but never completed, Weber developed the ideal type as a methodological tool for comparative sociology. In analyzing the history of Western societies, Weber focused on rationalism as a unique and central force shaping all Western institutions, including economics, politics, religion, family, stratification systems, and music. These typologies have had a decisive impact on the development of subsequent, more specialized sociological inquiries.

A brief glance at Die protestantische Ethik und der Geist des Kapitalismus (1904–05; The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism), Weber’s best known and most controversial work, illustrates the general trend of his thinking. Weber began by noting the statistical correlation in Germany between interest and success in capitalist ventures on the one hand and Protestant background on the other. He then attributed this relationship between capitalism and Protestantism to certain accidental psychological consequences of the notions of predestination and calling in Puritan theology.

In Calvin’s formulation the doctrine of predestination stated that sinful humanity could know neither why nor to whom God had extended the grace of salvation. Weber inferred that the psychological insecurity that this doctrine imposed on Calvin’s followers, stern believers in hellfire, was such that they began to look for signs indicating the direction of God’s will in daily life. The consequence was an ethic of unceasing commitment to one’s worldly calling (any lapse would indicate that one’s state of grace was in doubt) and ascetic abstinence from any enjoyment of the profit reaped from such labours. The practical result of such beliefs and practices was, in Weber’s estimation, the most rapid possible accumulation of capital.

Weber had published his thesis on the Protestant ethic in the journal he had just begun to edit, Archiv für Sozialwissenschaft und Sozialpolitik. From 1905 to 1910 he published a number of exchanges between himself and critics of his thesis in the Archiv. He never denied his critics’ claims that highly developed capitalist enterprises existed centuries before Calvin. Weber was also aware of other preconditions, both material and psychological, that contributed to the development of modern capitalism. He responded to these criticisms by arguing that, before Calvinism, capitalist enterprise and wealth accumulation were always fettered by the passive or active hostility of the prevalent religious order. If some capitalists were, by virtue of their skepticism, able to escape the guilt feelings that the prevailing religious ethos dictated, it was nevertheless a fact that no other religious tradition had ever caused people to see the accumulation of capital (saving money) as a sign of God’s everlasting grace.

The Puritans, Weber argued, had accepted the cloak of worldly asceticism voluntarily, as a means of alleviating otherwise unbearable spiritual burdens. In so doing, however, they helped to create the enormous structure of the modern economic institution, which proceeded to determine the life and values of everyone born into it.

Around the time he published his work on the Protestant ethic, the middle-class German culture in which Weber had been nurtured experienced its first spasms of disintegration. The Protestant morality that he had come to accept as inescapable destiny came under attack from the youth movement, from avant-garde literary circles such as the one centred on the poet Stefan George, from Neoromantics influenced by Friedrich Nietzsche and Sigmund Freud, and from Slavic cultural ideals, exemplified in the works of Leo Tolstoy and Fyodor Dostoyevsky. In this setting Weber developed his political sociology, which makes the crucial distinction between charismatic, traditional, and legal forms of authority.

Charismatic authority, or charisma, refers to the gift of spiritual inspiration underlying the power of religious prophets or extraordinary political leaders. In probing charisma Weber touched, sometimes explicitly, on themes that had first been broached by Nietzsche. His acute interest in social phenomena such as mysticism, which are antithetical to the modern world and its underlying process of rationalization, paralleled a late awakening of Weber’s aesthetic and erotic faculties. In 1910, amid the crumbling social order of European middle-class society, Weber began a series of important discussions with George and his close disciple, the poet Friedrich Gundolf. At roughly the same time, Weber began an extramarital affair, probably his first experience of sexual intimacy; one of his most brilliant later essays (Theorie der Stufen und Richtungen religioser Weltablehnung, 1916; “Religious Rejections of the World and Their Directions”) contains an analysis of the conflicting relationships between eroticism, ascetic and mystical modes of religiosity, and the general process of rationalization.

During this same period Weber attempted to build respect for sociology as a discipline by defining a value-free methodology for it and by analyzing the religious cultures of India and China for comparison with the Western religious tradition. Also of critical importance in his last decade was his stoic examination of the conditions and consequences of the rationalization of political and economic life in the West in Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft (1922; Economy and Society) and journal articles.

Indeed, Weber’s most powerful impact on his contemporaries came in the last years of his life, when, from 1916 to 1918, he argued powerfully against Germany’s annexationist war goals and in favour of a strengthened parliament. He stood bravely for sobriety in politics and scholarship against the apocalyptic mood of right-wing students in the months following Germany’s defeat in World War I. After assisting in the drafting of the new constitution and in the founding of the German Democratic Party, Weber died of a lung infection in June 1920.

Legacy

Weber’s significance during his lifetime was considerable among German social scientists, many of whom were his friends in Heidelberg or Berlin; but because so little of his work was published in book form during his lifetime, and because most of the journals in which he published had restricted audiences of scholarly specialists, his major impact was not felt until after his death. The only exceptions were his formulation of “liberal imperialism” in 1895, his widely discussed thesis on Protestantism and capitalism, and his extensive attack on German foreign and domestic policies during World War I in the pages of the Frankfurter Zeitung, which stimulated liberal sentiment against the government’s war aims and led General Erich Ludendorff to view Weber as a traitor.

In general, Weber’s greatest merit as a thinker was that he brought the social sciences in Germany, hitherto preoccupied largely with national problems, into direct critical confrontation with the international giants of 19th-century European thought—Marx and Nietzsche; and, through this confrontation, Weber helped create a methodology and a body of literature dealing with the sociology of religion, political parties, and the economy, as well as studies of formal organizations, small-group behaviour, and the philosophy of history. His work continues to stimulate scholarship.

Arthur MitzmanThe Editors of Encyclopaedia Britannica

Sociology of Religion is a 1920 book by Max Weber, a German economist and sociologist. The original edition was in German.

Max Weber studied the effects of religious action and inaction. He views religion by simply categorized different religions in order to fully understand religion's subjective meaning to the individual (Verstehen).

By viewing religion strictly in the scientific sense, Weber was striving for objectivity, attempting to ignore value judgments, and to understand religion as those human responses that give meaning to the inescapable problems of existence, such as birth, death, illness, aging, injustice, tragedy, and suffering. In The Sociology of Religion, Weber proposes that people pursue their own goals, and that religion facilitates that.[1] He shows how early religious beliefs stem from the work of skillful, charismatic individuals, and how their actions are eventually transformed into a systematic, church-based religion - in other words, how religion begins with charismatic authority and is transformed into traditional authority.[1]

Because religion enables people to pursue their interests, Weber believed that religion actually gave rise to the spread of modern capitalism, as he asserted in The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism. This writing illustrated the way in which religious beliefs steered the direction of the economic and technological forces that were already in motion.

Max Weber takes an objective, distant view of the sociological traditions of the institution of religion. He is standing on the outside, looking in, contrary to the believers whose journey of faith causes them to examine their religion from within. This detached, objective view of religion embodies the objective, modernist practice of the sociological perspective of religion today.

Table of contents[edit]

(A) Origins of Religion[edit]

1) Primordial Notions Of Religion
a) Viewpoint
b) This-worldly Orientation
c) Magic
d) Charisma
e) Belief in Spirits
f) Ecstasy and Orgy
g) Soul and Supernatural Power
2) Symbolism
a) Fear of Soul
b) Displacement of Naturalism
c) Spread of Symbolism
d) Stereotyping Effect
e) Transitions
f) Mythological Analogy
3) Concepts Of God
a) Enduring Being
b) Pantheon
c) Roman Gods
d) Gods of Economy
e) Earthly and Heavenly Gods
f) Specialization of Gods
g) Gods of Household
h) Political God
1) God of Israel
2) Local God and Foreign God
3) City-state God
4) Bands and God
i) Monotheism
1) Primary God
2) Divine Order
3) Universalism

(B) Emergence of Religion[edit]

1) Religion And God
a) Coercion of God
b) Worship Of God
1) Prayer
2) Sacrifice
c) Definition Of Religion
2) Priest
a) Cult
b) Enterprise
c) Doctrine
d) Sociological Definition
3) Development Of The Notion Of Supernatural
a) Demonstration Of Power
b) Attribute of Failure
c) Differentiation of Supernatural
d) Ethical God
e) Divination
f) God of Law
g) Impersonal Powers
4) Development Of Religious Ethic
a) Taboo
b) Totemism
c) Table-Community
d) Taboo and Social Intercourse
e) Caste Ethic
f) Concept of Sin
g) Religious Ethic
h) Systematization of Ethic

(C) Prophet[edit]

1) Definition
a) Priest And Prophet
b) Magician And Prophet
c) Prophetic Age
d) Lawgiver and Prophet
1) Moses
e) Prophet and Social Policy
f) Tyrant and Prophet
g) Ethic Teacher and Prophet
1) Guru
h) Philosopher
i) Reformer
j) Mystery Cultist
2) Natures Of Prophecy
a) Ethical and Exemplary Prophecy
b) God and Prophets
1) God as Rainmaker
2) Gods of Near East
c) Prophetic Revelation

[edit]

1) Origins Of Religious Community
a) Prophetic Community
b) Cultic Community
c) Exemplary Community and Lay Devotee
d) Occasional Lay Society
e) Lay Community
f) Parish and Sect
2) Development Of Religious Community
a) Prophet vs. Priest
b) Scripture
1) Oral Tradition
2) Canonization
3) Priestly Education
c) Development of Dogma
1) Religious Community
2) Priest's Interests
3) Conditions in World Religions
4) Christian Dogma
5) Dogma in Other Religions
d) Preaching and Pastoral Care
e) Priestly Rationalization of Ethic
f) Magicalization of Priestly Religion
g) Popularization of Prophetic Religion

(E) Religiosity of Social Strata[edit]

1) Peasant
a) Ancient Israel
b) Passivity of Peasant
c) Zoroastrianism
d) Judaism
e) Christianity
2) Warrior Aristocrats
a) Warrior's Conduct of Life
b) Prophecy and Warrior
c) Holy War
d) Mithraism
3) Bureaucrats
a) Confucianism
4) Citizen
a) Wealthy Citizen
b) Middle-Class
c) Petty-Citizen
d) Christianity
e) Occident and Oriental City
f) Rationality of Citizen's Life
g) Development of Citizenry Rationalism
5) Slave And Propertyless
6) Mass Religiosity: Magic And Savior
7) Women And Religion
8) Social Strata And Sense Of Dignity
a) Legitimacy of Fortunate
b) Compensation of Disprivileged
9) Pariah Status
a) Jews and Hindu Castes
b) Jewish Resentment
c) Theodicy of Disprivilege
1) Jewish Theodicy
2) Jesus's Teaching
3) Buddhist Doctrine

(F) Intellectualism and Religion[edit]

1) Privileged Intellectualism
a) Priest
b) Privileged Lay Intellectuals
2) Intellectual Salvation
a) Social Conditions
b) Asia
c) Near East and West
d) Intellectual Characters
3) Non-privileged Intellectualism
a) Pariah And Petty-citizen Intellectualism
b) Ancient Judaism
4) Intellectualism And Christianity
a) Paul's Petty-citizen Intellectualism
b) Dogmatic Intellectualism
c) Anti-intellectualism of Christianity
1) Carriers of Religion
d) Intellectualism in Medieval Christianity
e) Humanist Intellectualism
f) Puritan Intellectualism
5) Modern Intellectualism
a) Anglo-Saxon and Latin Intellectualism
b) German Intellectualism
c) Socialism
d) Russian Intellectualism
e) Enlightenment Intellectualism

(G) Theodicy and Salvation[edit]

1) Theodicy
a) Transcendental Creator
b) Problem Of Theodicy
c) Advent Solution
d) Concept of Other World
e) Solution by Predestination
f) Providence
g) Solution by Dualism
h) Solution by Karma
2) Salvation And Rebirth
a) Promise of Wealth
b) Political Salvation
c) Salvation from Evil
d) Other-worldly Salvation
e) Salvation and Conduct of Life
f) Sanctification and Rebirth
3) Salvation By Ritual
a) Ritual Mood
b) Ritual Mysticism
c) Sacrament
d) Confessional
e) Puritan Rites
f) Jewish Ritualism
4) Salvation By Good Works
a) Account for Every Action
b) Total Personality
5) Salvation By Self-perfection
a) Animistic Methodology
b) Induction of Ecstasy
c) Development of Methodology
1) Transcendental God
2) States of Sanctification
3) Indian Methodology
4) Catholicism and Confucianism
5) Certainty of Salvation
6) Rationalization of Methodology
d) Religious Virtuosi

(H) Asceticism and Mysticism[edit]

1) Asceticism
a) Definition
b) World-rejection
c) Inner-worldly Asceticism
2) Mysticism
a) Mystical Illumination
b) Flight from the World
c) Mystical Union
d) Concentration upon Truth
e) Container vs. Instrument
f) Brokenness vs. Vocation
g) Anomie vs. Reformation
h) Mystic Love
3) Oriental Vs. Occidental Salvation
a) Concept of Divine
b) Knowledge vs. Action
c) Roman Law
d) Roman Rulership
e) Roman Church
f) Ascetic Protestantism

(I) Salvation by Other's Achievement[edit]

1) Salvation By Grace
a) Savior
b) Doctrines of Savior
c) Incarnation
d) Sacramental Grace
e) Institutional Grace
f) Catholic Institution
g) Dispensation and Conduct of Life
h) Confessional and Conduct of Life
i) Judaism and Ascetic Protestantism
j) Institutional Authority
2) Salvation By Faith
a) Faith and Magic
b) Faith of Islam and Judaism
c) Non-prophetic Faith
d) Dogmatic Faith
e) Explicit and Implicit Faith
f) Faith of Heart
g) Aristocracy of Dogma
h) Virtuoso of Faith
i) Faith and Intellect
j) Faith and Mysticism
k) Faith and Ethic
l) Idea of Vocation
m) Lutheran Faith
n) Faith and Carriers
o) Emotional Faith
3) Salvation By Predestination
a) Men of Predestination
b) Power of Predestination
c) Islamic vs. Puritan Predestination
d) Chinese Destiny
e) Aristocracy of Predestination
f) This-worldly Determinism

(J) Religious Ethics and the World[edit]

1) Internalization Of Religious Ethic
a) Ritualistic Religion
b) Ethic of Heart
2) Religious Ethic And Economics
a) Religious vs. Family Ethic
b) Religious vs. Neighborly Ethic
c) Alms-Giving
d) Protection of Weak
e) Religious Antipathy to Usury
f) Antipathy to Rational Economy
g) Economic Credit and Religion
h) Asceticism vs. Economy
i) Catholic Economic Life
j) Protestant Asceticism
3) Religious Ethics And Politics
a) Conditions of Religion and Politics
1) Ancient Political Religion
2) Rise of Religious Community
3) Religious Rejection of Politics
b) Tension between Religion And Politics
1) Absence of Conflict
2) Quaker Experiment
3) Political Indifference
4) Justifications of Violence
c) State and Christianity
1) Early Christianity
2) Medieval Christianity
d) Solution by Organic Ethic
1) Catholic Organic Ethic
2) Islamic Viewpoint
3) Indian Organic Ethic
4) Medieval Traditionalism of Vocation
e) Moder State and Religion
4) Religious Ethics And Sexuality
a) Sexual Orgy
b) Religious Hostility to Sexuality
c) Religious Regulation of Sexuality
d) Woman and Religion
e) Marriage
f) Rise of Eroticism
5) Religious Ethic And Art
a) Initial Intimacy between Religion and Art
b) Rise of Esthetic Intellectualism
c) Prophetic Antipathy of Art
d) Religious Interests in Art
e) Rational Religion's Rejection of Art

(K) Religions and the World[edit]

1) Judaism: World-accommodated
a) Absence of Asceticism
b) Jewish Economic Ethos
c) Double Standards of Morals
d) Jew, Catholic, and Puritan
e) Jewish Intellectualism
1) Jewish Ideal
2) Jesus' Opposition
3) Urban Judaism
f) Self-control
g) Jewish Rationalism
h) Lack of Asceticism
i) Paul's Breakthrough
j) Puritanism and Judaism
2) Islam: This-worldliness
a) Political Religion
b) No Salvation
c) Feudal Ethic
d) Contrast to Judaism and Christianity
3) Buddhism: World-rejection
a) Genuine Religion of Salvation
b) Transformation of Buddhism
4) Capitalism And Religion
5) Jesus: World-indifference
a) Jesus's Self-Consciousness
b) Salvational Heroism
c) Indifference to World

See also[edit]

References[edit]

External links[edit]

0 thoughts on “Weber Essays In Sociology Wiki”

    -->

Leave a Comment

Your email address will not be published. Required fields are marked *